The Future of Northern Afghanistan: An Interview with Fouzia Kofi
Fauzia Kofi, a member of Afghan parliament, is also a well-known women’s rights activist.
Fauzia Kofi
For years she served as a charity worker in northern Afghanistan, particularly in northern Badakhshan Province. Miss Kofi was the second deputy speaker of the Afghan lower house of Parliament. Kabul Direct interviewed Ms. Kofi in the Afghan Parliament on Oct 7, 2009.
Kabul Direct: Being a native of Badakhshan Province in northern Afghanistan, and someone who is aware of the cultural sensitivities of the people, can you tell us how it happened that anti-government forces have been able to expand their activities into northern Afghanistan?
Fouzia Kofi: Three years ago when the parliament first commenced, I brought up the subject of the increasing level of insecurity in the north with various authorities, most notably Gen. Eikenberry, the then commander of the US troops in Afghanistan.
I told him and other officials because of the strategic interests of certain countries who believe that an Afghan insurgency is in their best interests, the north will surely become unstable. Evidence of this was already clear at that time. Badakhshan shares a border with Kunar and Noristan in the east and Tajikistan in the north. Forces allied with the Taliban attack the province from their bases in Kunar and Noristan. And Hizb-e Islami sends forces our way from the north. We can also trace the insurgents in Badakhshan back to Pakistan by way of the point of entry at Shah-e Salim, the road the Mujahedin used to transport weapons and reinforcements.
We also know that the Taliban enjoys the support of the locals in both Kunduz and Baghlan. When the Taliban first entered the north during the late 1990s, the central district of Baghlan were among the first to align themselves with the Taliban. This was not entirely surprising as the locals there share a similar ideology to the Taliban. In Kunduz there is no lack of local support for the Taliban as well.
So now we see that insurgency now affects Badakhshan, Kunduz, Baghlan, and parts of Takhar. If we do not act to contain this element, soon we will see it spread to other areas in the north as well. If it gets as far as Balkh, this the Taliban will have achieved a victory of strategic importance.
Kabul Direct: Are you saying the situation is getting worse? And if so, who exactly is orchestrating this?
Fouzia Kofi: Yes, things are noticeably deteriorating. For example, for the first time I was unable to travel by car this year during Ramadan Eid due to the threats posed by both criminal and insurgent elements. Even more alarming, are the rumors that the insurgency is made possible thanks to certain elements within our government.
Kabul Direct: Regarding those who you say share the same ideology as the Taliban. Can you give me an estimate of how strong they are? And can you also comment on the criminal element?
Fouzia Kofi: In terms of sheer numbers, there are more Taliban supporters than there are criminals. Moreover, it is easier to rout the criminals as they pose a transnational threat and the danger they pose should be clear to everyone. But unfortunately, there does not seem to be sufficient will to combat either as far as the government is concerned.
Kabul Direct: Why is not the government sufficiently interested in your view?
Fouzia Kofi: Because I believe that some elements in the government simply do not have the best interests of Afghanistan as the center of their agenda. As you know, the government is compromised by those who place their interests above the nation’s.
Kabul Direct: Could we talk more about those who support the Taliban? That is, on who is the insurgency in northern Afghanistan? For example, are these people Hizb-e Islami commanders or are there other forces?
Fouzia Kofi: In both Baghlan and Kunduz, the Taliban have a lot of local support. This is because the people there are too ignorant to know better – the illiteracy rate in these provinces is very high. Many people fear modernism because of their ignorance and they lack the means to determine whether an idea they are presented with makes logical sense or doesn’t.
In other provinces of northern Afghanistan – for example, Badakhshan – there is no ethnic or tribal support for the insurgency. But we do have people who are prone to adopting radical ideas – for example, the ideology of Hizb-e Islami.
We must also remember the influence Wahhabis have had in Afghanistan, including the north. The Wahhabis came during the anti-Soviet jihad and many Afghans were exposed to this interpretation of Islam when they sought refuge in Pakistan during this time. Our youth were indoctrinated when they attended the Wahhabi or Salafi madrassas there. Our youth became captivated by the idea of participating in a global jihadist movement. So the destabilizing elements in the north include the Hizb-e Islami, the Wahhabi indoctrinated, criminals, and of course warlord commanders from Jamiat Islami, and other Islamist parties. These are the driving forces of the insurgency in northern Afghanistan.
Kabul Direct: Can you tell us more about the districts in your province where you see most of the Salafis in Badakshan?
Fouzia Kofi: As I mentioned, during the Jihad against the Soviets that began in 1979, many Afghans, including in the north, sent their boys to madrassas in Pakistan. There, over time, many of these youth became radicalized when they were exposed to Wahabbism and Salafism. The districts that seem to have the greatest numbers of people with this mindset are Argo, Ragh, Daraem, and Wardood. All you need is two people who share this thinking to connect and start their activities.
Kabul Direct: How was Salafism able to catch on so quickly when Afghanistan traditionally did not subscribe to this school? I mean, 98 percent of the population is either Hanafi Sunni or Shia. How could Salafism be succeeding when it does not really have roots in the area?
Fouzia Kofi: This is why I think Salafism and Wahabbism are not as influential in Badakshan as they have been in other provinces. But that said, it is clear that the influence is growing.
Kabul Direct: Is Salafism becoming a strategic threat in Badakhshan?
Fouzia Kofi: That is a distinct possibility. When the US and others supported jihad in Afghanistan – when it was against the Soviets – radicalism was happily allowed to grow. Now, I think we know that it was not a force that should have been greeted so warmly. One way to combat this would be to attack it at the economic level. We need to assess how joblessness and other economic factors spur the growth of radical elements in Afghanistan.
Kabul Direct: Let’s talk about the recent announcement the National Directorate of Intelligence made – that Hizb-e Tehrir has been rapidly expanding in Afghanistan and has now spread to the north. What is your view?
Fouzia Kofi: Yes, there are elements trying to destabilize the north. And yes, Hizb-e Tehrir is active there. Officials always like to talk about threats. But if they know so much about this organization, how come they don’t they put a stop to it?
Kabul Direct:Didyou say that the insurgents use the Shah-e Salim route to connect to Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan?
Fouzia Kofi: Yes, Shah- e Salim is the unofficial route from Badakhshan to Pakistan. The route is used to transport food and other supplies by foot.
Kabul Direct: Give us your prediction on the way things will evolve in Afghanistan over the next five years?
Fouzia Kofi: If there is enough political will, we could expect a stable north. But the fact that the north borders central Asian and NATO supply routes are being rerouted to the north means that there are more and more elements within Afghanistan and abroad Afghanistan who would like to impede this effort. They are going to try and actively destabilize northern Afghanistan.
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